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Reconsidering the Legacies of Colonialism in Native North America (January 2013) (19 pages)

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Page: of 19

106
three primary areas of current archaeological
theory — identity, practice, and context—that are
particularly well suited to archaeological studies
of indigenous persistence. I then offer an example
of why persistence matters in archaeology. Using
the anthropological and archaeological study of
Spanish colonialism in California as an illustration, I explore how anthropology helped perpetuate the myth of Indian extinction, the effect it has
had for various native groups, and how an archaeological focus on persistence might help to
rectify the problem. I close by offering some
thoughts on the potentials and challenges of archaeologies of persistence to advance our understanding of colonialism, as well as to benefit
those whose pasts we are studying.
Anthropological interest in the relationship
between preand postcontact native cultures has
deep historical roots, but the renewed focus on the
persistence of Native American societies can be
seen to stem from three watershed developments,
which taken together have great implications for
archaeological studies of colonialism in North
America: the passage of the Native American
Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) in 1990, the growing archaeological interest in colonialism surrounding the Columbian
Quincentenary in 1992, and the development of
indigenous archaeologies. Each has forced archaeologists to grapple with the diverse processes
of change and persistence that have unfolded in
indigenous communities over the past five centuries and therefore represents an opportunity for
archaeologists to challenge the myth of Indian extinction that has so pervasively dominated much
public and scholarly thinking about the encounters
between indigenous societies and various forms
of European colonialism. Indeed, archaeological
and popular thought on Native Americans is
steeped in narratives that focus not on persistence
but on conquest, disease, assimilation, and loss
(Ferris 2009; Mitchell and Scheiber 2010; Silliman 2010), what Wilcox (2009:11—15) refers to as
“terminal narratives.”
Archaeology has tended to reinforce terminal
narratives through research agendas explicitly focused on the demographic, cultural, and technological changes of the colonial period (Ramenofsky 1991) and related, essentialist analytical
frameworks like acculturation that tether indigeAMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 78, No. 1, 2013
nous identities and cultures to static, externally
defined traits (Cusick 1998). These approaches
are problematic in that archaeological interpretations may color popular understandings of indigenous cultures and identities in ways that set
up unrealistic expectations about contemporary
native communities. While change has indeed
been a large part of many indigenous histories
since the onset of colonialism, archaeological approaches that equate change with loss have helped
perpetuate the idea that the extinction of indigenous cultures was an inevitable outcome of colonialism. These explanations overlook the various
ways that native peoples negotiated colonialism
and often fail to reckon with the presence of modern indigenous communities, effectively writing
them out of their own histories (Mitchell and
Scheiber 2010; Rodriguez-Alegria 2008; Wilcox
2010). When applied to the realm of governmental acknowledgment, these terminal narratives
and essentialist expectations about Native American cultures and identities intersect in ways that
limit the sovereignty of some native groups. In the
federal recognition process, which is based in
large part on essentialist notions of unbroken political continuity, indigenous groups whose histories include various social and political transformations are less likely to secure governmental
acknowledgment (Lightfoot et al. 2013; Miller
2004; see also Clifford 1988).
Today, archaeology stands ready to critically
reassess past approaches to the study of colonialism and to challenge terminal narratives within
and outside of our discipline. Instead of framing
the issue as one of an irrevocable break with the
past, recent research considers the myriad ways
that native peoples actively reinterpreted social
organization and identity during the colonial period, resulting in a broad spectrum of native communities that have persisted in various forms into
the present day. Untangling these complex stories
archaeologically leaves us still grappling with
questions about continuity and change, but the
discussion has moved from a simple dichotomy to
frameworks that allow for continuity through
change and “changing continuities” (Ferris 2009;
Silliman 2009). Archaeologies of persistence allow us to place colonialism in the long-term context of indigenous histories through the exploration of how native peoples drew on existing