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The Shared Memories of Pioneers by Clyde A. Milner (5 pages)

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456 Major Problems in the History of the American West
the diary). The account in the 1863 diary reports on only four days over
this period, July 7~8 and July 20-21, when Indlans are either met or sighted.
In fact, the diary notes when Indians are not present. On July 9, for example, .
Sanders wrote: “Kept guard last night but were not troubled by the Indians.
On July 14, making light of the monotony of the travel, she noted: ‘Nothing
of interest has transpired thus far today. We have killed neither Indian nor
buffalo."*
Sanders also made an Indian disappear in her memolr. The diary contains
a description of a nearly disastrous crossing of the Snake River on September
7. In-this account, an Indian on his pony carried Harriet Sanders’s maid,
Almaretta (Amerette) Geer, safely to the far shore. The helpful Indian is
absent in the memoir, despite an elaborate retelling of “the narrowest
escape that we had thus far experienced." The memoir concludes one page
after this Indianless episode with Harriet Sanders maintaining that their
party during the entire journey “*... had been continually in danger of
attacts {sic] from the Indians." Both the letters. that Mary Edgerton wrote
during the trip and Lucila Dates ert hea that the 2dgerton-Sanders
emigrant party had no difficulties with the Indians. « ¢
" By nekieg the Indians a greater danger in her memoir, Harriet Sanders
did what many other pioneers had done. In his massive study of the oner:
landers on the Callfornla and Oregon trails, John D. Unruh, Jr., notes:
“Encounters with hostile Indians—often much embellished—are far more
conspicuous in latter-day reminiscent accounts.”’ As Unrvh explains, letters
home that summarized the trip “tended to give Indian affairs much more
prominence” than did the same people's daily journals and diaries, It seems
that some retrospective reference to the “Indian threat” became a way to
certify a pioneer’s overland Journey. It was expected to be part of the story,
but It served a greater purpose than merely tefling an exciting tale.
These accounts of the Indian danger created a shared memory and,
therefore, a shared Identity for the ploneers. If Harriet Sanders had wanted
to tell an exciting story, she could have stressed the sickness, storms, and
at she recounted more frequently in her dlary than in her
gba Harriet Sanders could make a grand statement about the
destiny of the pioneers if she emphasized the Indians rather than other
problems. Her memoir provided ample opportunity for such a grand, i
rospective pronouncement. Early in her memolr, she paused In her description
of travel along the Platte River to assert:
ndless country had belonged to the Indians and the buffato from
ine Senos F 7 The emigrants who passed through the country
previous to 1868 did so at the peril of thelr Ives, The Indians becoming
Jealous at the appearance of the whites, lay in ambush for the unsuspecting
victims, and many a scalp-dance was danced and war-songs chanted over
the forms of those who aspired to plant an empire in the unknown west,
But In the end, however, the ploneers conquered the wilderness and transformed It Into a fand of peace and pfenty. .
istorical raAs revealed in this statement, Harriet Sanders created a h
Hanalientinn af the ninneer experience in her memoir, Sanders declared
~
that by surviving the Indian danger of the overtand Journey, the pioneers
eventually conquered the “wilderness” and transformed Indian lands into
a new and “‘civilized’* order, The pioneers ultimately became new natives
tn what they considered a new land. If the old natives had not been prominent
enough on the original journey, they could be made more prominent in the
memory of it. In this way, the shared identity of ploneer coutd be maintained
along with the fdea of cultural and even physical conquest. Such selfserving, ethnocentric bias permitted the pioneers, and those who followed
them, to justify their own emigration and settlement,
Many scholars have looked closely at the diaries and letters of overlanders.
Historian Glenda Riley has found that rumors and alarmism about Indians
did create anxieties during the trip, especially for women. Yet, what they
feared rarely became reality. In her examination of 150 primary accounts
from all the major overland trails between 1830 and 1900, Riley discovered
‘ that in only 15 were major troubles with the Indlans reported and in none
were claims made about extensive loss of life. Historian Lillian Schlisset
studied ninety-six overland diaries written by women, She found that only
7 per cent contained accounts of attacks by Indians and these reported the
deaths of only two families, two men, and one woman. Unruh's analysts
of the California/Oregon trail demonstrates that fewer than four hundred
emigrants were killed by Indlans from 1840 to 1860, when approximately
two hundred and fifty thousand people took this overland route. Yet, rumors
of ralds and massacres spread beyond the overland trails, and newspapers
occasionally published vivid accounts of what proved to be fictitlous attacks.
The trails to Montana’s gold camps during the 1860s saw roughly 10
per cent of the number of emigrants that traveled to California and Oregon
between 1840 and 1860. Yet, this smaller migration may have been subject
to greater Indian hostility, especially when crossing the bison ranges of the
Teton Sioux and Northern Cheyenne. Certainly the record of warfare on
the northern plains between the army and the native peoples was far greater
during the 1860s than during the 1840s and 1880s, How direct and deadly
such hostilities proved to be for emigrant trains to Montana needs careful
analysis. The personal accounts from elght emigrant trains that traveled
across the northern plains from Minnesota between 1862 and 867, for
example, reveal that only the 1864 expedition suffered a serious Indian
attack, ; :
Whatever the reality, the description of an Indian threat became a
dramatic element in many Montanans’ memotrs, Perhaps the most excessively
dramatized report of an Indian attack appeared in David J. Balley's lengthy
1906 reminiscence. Bailey, who grew up in Georgia, Alabama, and Kentucky,
decided to travel west to the Montana goldfields In 1865 at age twenty-oneafter working as a clerk In Evansville, Indiana, His account of the overland
journey, which began after he took a steamboat to Leavenworth, Kansas,’
contains descriptions of four Indian attacks. After the fargest of these
battles, he confessed:
The story that one hundred men withstood the furlous onslaught of three
hundred wild, fiendish savages without serfous Injury seems almost incredible.