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The Shared Memories of Pioneers by Clyde A. Milner (5 pages)

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462 Major Problems in the History of the American West
i he shortest time possible only to find that her husband
il aa Oe thes accounts reported Mrs. Slade’s great grieving over
and, ; ;
ine The eubivcleet wutede evident in these recountings of Slade s hanes
may reveal that some pioneers saw both the vigilantes and men He Ste le
as figures near the social boundary between deviant and acceptable 5 Fi r
Whatever the case, the dramatic on of ar sp ed 5 ome . _ ;
i variations. In his memoir, T.
tire Stade on horteban arriving too late, but Instead of a oe a
husband's hanging, “‘she said had she been there she would ate Fh “
him before they could hang him." Ford believed her capable on sacl
because she was the “best shot’ in the area and could “take 2 teva i
and shoot a chicken Head off every time."* David Bailey wrote a : "5
memoir: “It was said that Slade’s wife, a beautiful woman, a 80 i ors e
woman, and an expert shot, dashed into town on her charger i ;
trial and demanded her husband's relense."’ Mrs, Slade’s angry pleading
i hanging went on. .
wee Tooenay to dismiss Ford and Bailey as oldtimers who got the Pasi
story of Slade's hanging wrong, Instead, it is more informative to Consider
what they have in common with other versions. Each a remat ate
characteristics to Mrs. Slade; each remembers her ering rae and cach
has Slade hanged despite her stag, any words, each has
story as do Sanders and Dimsdale.
Ser rameacht won the core of a story may not be a apa! pask ore
historian, but it is for a folklorist. Indeed, folklorists often a t marae
Variations fa contend are expected ean fete elites, etd oe
nt are expected with folk n . 5
wena Macon false, Retlonalized accounts. Factual ae oe
be contained in a fotk story just as it may be found in a Bove a me r.
Most importantly, the way that folklorists took at narratives remin
consider the larger context of the intended audience for whom pioneers’
irs. . ;
ee er poe tried to tell a personal story. The ploneer's nlm
famlly—grown children and grandchildren—probably made up the p bal
audience for that story, but there was also a broader audience of cl 4
pioneers and residents of the local community. Memoirs Higennari a sel
conscious valedictory, a reminiscent summing up of a life. ie cally, “
were written during the author's later years. Some of the stories in ". mem
may have been told numerous times before they were written down. ere! a
they may be the anecdotes and accounts that were most vopelit ant is
family, friends, and the local community, the groups on bat ‘at Hi ae
. In the case of historical events
participated, the chances would increase that the memoir contained rem:
iniscences that represented the knitting together of a collectively remembered '
om h eated important aring of collective memories also may have cr ed
conarpieat boundaries. Folklorist William A. Wilson believes, “If the story
The Popular tmagination 463
depart too far from
eck,"* Memoirs may
a similar process of
interaction with the audience for whom they are ultimately written.. In the memoirs of Montana's pioneers, attitudes toward Indians and accounts of
the vigilantes do not Stray far from the same value center,
The idea of a value center refers to a shared historical Perception that
is based on what is emotionally believed whether it js factually accurate
or not. A peopte’s beliefs about its past are what Wilson calls “people's
fact.” These beliefs are also part of what historian Cari L. Becker considered
“living history.” In his essay, “Every Man His Own Historian,” Becker
maintained, “The history that does work in the world, the history that
influences the course of history, is living history, that pattern of remembered
events, whether true or false, that enlarges and enriches the collective
specious present,”*
As living history, the memotrs of ploneer Montanans reveated not only
whal they believed about their past but also what they believed in thelr
present. Stories about Indians on the overfand trails and accounts of murders
by road agents and hangings by vigilantes indicate attitudes about outsiders
and violence prevatent during the 1890s and later, but Supposedly remembered.
from the 1860s. It is worth pondering how such attitudes, which were
eapressed in a living history, also had become part of the institutions and
dally life of post-1890 Montana. Indians remained outsiders to Montana
society, often living as a separate People on reservations, and expressions
of personal or even corporate violence could be observed in labor relations
and political campaigns.
Yet, the value center and living history of Montana's pioneers were
cot unique. Other memotrs in other western locations readily present an
Beyond their western themes, Montanans' memoirs are indicative of a
broadly American process of creating historical identity through an insistence
on new beginnings. The American Revolution, the creation of a new nation,
and the near cult of the Founding Fathers have been the greatest expressions
of this process, In her memoir, Harriet Sanders compared the 1863 arrival
as ancestors of her own “tittle band." Instead, she saw each group as an
eiample of people who had survived a dangerous Journey.
Other pioneers showed the same Inclination. They might present a
fimily genealogy or point to historical parallels, but they tet Montana history