Volume 032-4 - October 1978 (8 pages)

ayailuble but the total Nisenan population in Nevada County probably numbered significantly less than five thousand, with two or three thousand a more likely number. Nisenan populations in surrounding counties brought the total to a greater number, perhaps as high as ten thousand. Washo in eastern Nevada County probably numbered only in the hundreds since camps were smaller and only seasonally utilized. Total Washo populations might have been between three and five thousand, primarily east and south of Tahoe. Regardless of the exact populations involved, it is safe to say population densities were much greater in western Nevada County, below the permanent winter snow line. The Nisenan are usually divided into two groups, hill Nisenan and valley Nisenan. Nevada County contained only hill Nisenan as permanent residents. Possibly valley groups might trade, marry into local groups, or otherwise come into contact with hill people. The valley Nisenan were primarily located between the lowest foothills and the Sacramento River. They typically had larger villages and a more highly developed cultural pattern than their hill neighbors. Although they were related linguistically and culturally, there were occasional disagreements between the two groups (Wilson and Towne 1978). The Washo only seasonally visited Nevada County, from spring through fall. They typically wintered in the sheltered valleys further east in Carson Valley or along the Truckee River near Reno. Possibly some Washo might spend the entire year in the Sierra, but this was not usually the case. The Nisenan located their permanent villages in the western Sierra, below the snow line, journeying into the high country in the spring as the snow melted and returning to the lower elevations as winter approached. During light or short winters it is possible some Nisenan remained longer at high elevations. Contact between the Nisenan and Washo was apparently slight (Beals 1983). The large areas and small groups involved in activities at higher elevations apparently limited significant interaction. Opinion varies as to the degree of friendliness between the two groups. Some trade apparently took place and in the historic phase; after the arrival of the Whites, some intermarriage occurred. A state of warfare did not exist between the groups, although some hostility might have existed in the prehistoric period. The Nisenan are best understood not as a single unified tribe, but as made up of a group of sub-tribes or tribelets (Kroeber 1925). These were small groups who owned a specific territory, usually made up of a large permanent village or two and possibly several smaller satellite villages. Allegiance was to the local group and a Nisenan tribal identity was apparently lacking. Local groups tended to name themselves 28. after the major village of the area. Thus, the term Oustomahs, would have been used to designate the Nevada City Nisenan (Douglas 1960). Land ownership among the Nisenan rested with the local community which controlled a clearly defined area. Apparently land above the snow line was available to any Nisenan. Private ownership of land or special features was recognized. Certain oak groves and fishing locations, for example, were privately owned, although probably shared if necessary (Kroeber 1925, Beal 1933). Washo patterns in eastern Nevada County reflect small group usage. Small bands, largely made up of kin or friends, would move into the county in the spring. Private fishing and possibly gathering places were also recognized (Downs 1966). According to Kroeber and Beals, Nisenan structures were of two main types, a large ceremonial round house and a smaller family dwelling, both were circular in ground plan. The large round house, called k'um, was perhaps 30 feet across and ten feet high. It was sunk three or four feet into the ground and usually earth covered. The doorway faced east. The k’um was used for ceremonial dancing or other special events by the entire community. When not in communal) use it often served as the home of the village headman and his family (Kroeber 1925; Beals 1933). The typical family dwelling was made in a conical shape with bark, wood or grass siding. It was much smaller, perhaps six to ten feet across. Called a hu or hy (Uldall and Shipley 1966), this structure was often shallowly excavated and partially earth covered on the sides for added insulation. Nisenan villages would seldom have more than one or two large roundhouses and most small villages had none, visiting those of the major village nearby. The Washo utilized a small family dwelling similar to the Nisenan form while in the mountains and had, additionally, a windbreak of vertical poles, rods, skins, or other materials for more casual protection from sun and wind. Photographs of Nisenan and Washo structures, some from Nevada County, may be seen in Merriam (1956). The social organization of the Washo and Nisenan was strongly influenced by kin, sex, and age. Villages were primarily organized kin groupings (Kroeber 1925). Males predominated as headmen and leaders. Usually these were hereditary positions. Leadership was not absolute and acceptable alternatives would be found for unpopular decisions. Group pressure and accepted cultural ways of doing things kept most people within common behavorial patterns. Generosity and helpfulness were highly valued, as were such developed skills as healing, hunting, gathering, or basketmaking. While both males and female might work together in selected activities, acorn harvesting or house building for example, many endeavors were limited to a specific sex. Hunting remained a male prerogative, while gathering was primarily a female activity. Accounts of other interior California Indians, notably the Yahi, suggest that hunting equipment was not even to be touched by women (Kroeber 1961). Female activities were high’ ~* valued, principally those associate. with childbearing, food collection, and basketmaking. Basketry is surely the greatest example of the visual arts among the Nisenan or Washo. A good collection of Nisenan baskets is maintained by the Nevada County Historical Museum in Nevada City. Additional Nisenan baskets are on display at the California Indian Museum in Sacramento. Washo baskets may best be seen at the Nevada State Museum in Carson City. Dat So La Lee, one of the finest basketmakers in the world, was a Washo, selling her products at Lake Tahoe during the early part of this century. Her baskets are highly prized and may also be seen at the Nevada State Museum. Children were greatly desired, highly favored, and largely free from demanding work while at the same time learning the skills they would practice in adult life. Photographs of Nisenan and Maidu may be found in Kroeber and Heizer (1968). The Nisenan and Washo lived in close, intimate contact with their world. Their need to secure a living from the natural resources within their areas created a knowledge, sensitivity, and perception toward their environment that was at the same time subtle and profound. Eleasser (1957) h“™ suggested that not a single mile . Indian group territory was unknown in the search for food and other raw materials. Thus, it can be stated that the Nisenan and Washo were closely tied to their lands in both a practical and spiritual way. Interestingly, at least two large game animals available to the earlier Indians have become extinct in the county. Gone are the mountain sheep, originally found along the Sierra crest, and the antelope, found in the valleys of the eastern end of the county. Resources were utilized when and where they became available and were harvested in culturally prescribed ways. The relatively light population densities and patterns of seasonal use of tribelet areas insured that resources were not overly exploited or wasted. Resources were not limited exclusively to food. Raw materials such as wood for bows, arrows, and other purposes was sought, as was stone for flaked and ground items. Skins and feathers were always desired. Materials in surplus could be stored for later use or traded. While essentially self supporting within their own territories, both the Washo and Nisenan traded with others for such items as shell beads .and ornaments, special stone such obsidian and magnesite, and oy locally unavailable materials. goo The gathering and processing, foods was efficient and complete. Me. and fish were usually cooked in the open fire. Bones were cracked to extract the marrow. Plant foods were

ayailuble but the total Nisenan population in Nevada County probably numbered significantly less than five thousand, with two or three thousand a more likely number. Nisenan populations in surrounding counties brought the total to a greater number, perhaps as high as ten thousand. Washo in eastern Nevada County probably numbered only in the hundreds since camps were smaller and only seasonally utilized. Total Washo populations might have been between three and five thousand, primarily east and south of Tahoe. Regardless of the exact populations involved, it is safe to say population densities were much greater in western Nevada County, below the permanent winter snow line. The Nisenan are usually divided into two groups, hill Nisenan and valley Nisenan. Nevada County contained only hill Nisenan as permanent residents. Possibly valley groups might trade, marry into local groups, or otherwise come into contact with hill people. The valley Nisenan were primarily located between the lowest foothills and the Sacramento River. They typically had larger villages and a more highly developed cultural pattern than their hill neighbors. Although they were related linguistically and culturally, there were occasional disagreements between the two groups (Wilson and Towne 1978). The Washo only seasonally visited Nevada County, from spring through fall. They typically wintered in the sheltered valleys further east in Carson Valley or along the Truckee River near Reno. Possibly some Washo might spend the entire year in the Sierra, but this was not usually the case. The Nisenan located their permanent villages in the western Sierra, below the snow line, journeying into the high country in the spring as the snow melted and returning to the lower elevations as winter approached. During light or short winters it is possible some Nisenan remained longer at high elevations. Contact between the Nisenan and Washo was apparently slight (Beals 1983). The large areas and small groups involved in activities at higher elevations apparently limited significant interaction. Opinion varies as to the degree of friendliness between the two groups. Some trade apparently took place and in the historic phase; after the arrival of the Whites, some intermarriage occurred. A state of warfare did not exist between the groups, although some hostility might have existed in the prehistoric period. The Nisenan are best understood not as a single unified tribe, but as made up of a group of sub-tribes or tribelets (Kroeber 1925). These were small groups who owned a specific territory, usually made up of a large permanent village or two and possibly several smaller satellite villages. Allegiance was to the local group and a Nisenan tribal identity was apparently lacking. Local groups tended to name themselves 28. after the major village of the area. Thus, the term Oustomahs, would have been used to designate the Nevada City Nisenan (Douglas 1960). Land ownership among the Nisenan rested with the local community which controlled a clearly defined area. Apparently land above the snow line was available to any Nisenan. Private ownership of land or special features was recognized. Certain oak groves and fishing locations, for example, were privately owned, although probably shared if necessary (Kroeber 1925, Beal 1933). Washo patterns in eastern Nevada County reflect small group usage. Small bands, largely made up of kin or friends, would move into the county in the spring. Private fishing and possibly gathering places were also recognized (Downs 1966). According to Kroeber and Beals, Nisenan structures were of two main types, a large ceremonial round house and a smaller family dwelling, both were circular in ground plan. The large round house, called k'um, was perhaps 30 feet across and ten feet high. It was sunk three or four feet into the ground and usually earth covered. The doorway faced east. The k’um was used for ceremonial dancing or other special events by the entire community. When not in communal) use it often served as the home of the village headman and his family (Kroeber 1925; Beals 1933). The typical family dwelling was made in a conical shape with bark, wood or grass siding. It was much

smaller, perhaps six to ten feet across. Called a hu or hy (Uldall and Shipley 1966), this structure was often shallowly excavated and partially earth covered on the sides for added insulation. Nisenan villages would seldom have more than one or two large roundhouses and most small villages had none, visiting those of the major village nearby. The Washo utilized a small family dwelling similar to the Nisenan form while in the mountains and had, additionally, a windbreak of vertical poles, rods, skins, or other materials for more casual protection from sun and wind. Photographs of Nisenan and Washo structures, some from Nevada County, may be seen in Merriam (1956). The social organization of the Washo and Nisenan was strongly influenced by kin, sex, and age. Villages were primarily organized kin groupings (Kroeber 1925). Males predominated as headmen and leaders. Usually these were hereditary positions. Leadership was not absolute and acceptable alternatives would be found for unpopular decisions. Group pressure and accepted cultural ways of doing things kept most people within common behavorial patterns. Generosity and helpfulness were highly valued, as were such developed skills as healing, hunting, gathering, or basketmaking. While both males and female might work together in selected activities, acorn harvesting or house building for example, many endeavors were limited to a specific sex. Hunting remained a male prerogative, while gathering was primarily a female activity. Accounts of other interior California Indians, notably the Yahi, suggest that hunting equipment was not even to be touched by women (Kroeber 1961). Female activities were high’ ~* valued, principally those associate. with childbearing, food collection, and basketmaking. Basketry is surely the greatest example of the visual arts among the Nisenan or Washo. A good collection of Nisenan baskets is maintained by the Nevada County Historical Museum in Nevada City. Additional Nisenan baskets are on display at the California Indian Museum in Sacramento. Washo baskets may best be seen at the Nevada State Museum in Carson City. Dat So La Lee, one of the finest basketmakers in the world, was a Washo, selling her products at Lake Tahoe during the early part of this century. Her baskets are highly prized and may also be seen at the Nevada State Museum. Children were greatly desired, highly favored, and largely free from demanding work while at the same time learning the skills they would practice in adult life. Photographs of Nisenan and Maidu may be found in Kroeber and Heizer (1968). The Nisenan and Washo lived in close, intimate contact with their world. Their need to secure a living from the natural resources within their areas created a knowledge, sensitivity, and perception toward their environment that was at the same time subtle and profound. Eleasser (1957) h“™ suggested that not a single mile . Indian group territory was unknown in the search for food and other raw materials. Thus, it can be stated that the Nisenan and Washo were closely tied to their lands in both a practical and spiritual way. Interestingly, at least two large game animals available to the earlier Indians have become extinct in the county. Gone are the mountain sheep, originally found along the Sierra crest, and the antelope, found in the valleys of the eastern end of the county. Resources were utilized when and where they became available and were harvested in culturally prescribed ways. The relatively light population densities and patterns of seasonal use of tribelet areas insured that resources were not overly exploited or wasted. Resources were not limited exclusively to food. Raw materials such as wood for bows, arrows, and other purposes was sought, as was stone for flaked and ground items. Skins and feathers were always desired. Materials in surplus could be stored for later use or traded. While essentially self supporting within their own territories, both the Washo and Nisenan traded with others for such items as shell beads .and ornaments, special stone such obsidian and magnesite, and oy locally unavailable materials. goo The gathering and processing, foods was efficient and complete. Me.. and fish were usually cooked in the open fire. Bones were cracked to extract the marrow. Plant foods were