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Volume 047-2 - October 1993 (12 pages)

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Page: of 12

patrol was to be made up of 400 men taken from the larger
committee. They were to be trained in a military manner and
deputized to protect the towns of Grass Valley and Nevada
City. An armored truck section, an ambulance section, and a
possible mounted troop were also envisioned. Except for the
modern update of armored trucks, the new organization resembled closely the San Francisco Vigilance Committees and
the later “pick handle brigade” of the 1870s.
The committee’s chairman, head of a local Chamber of
Commerce, insisted that in no way was this body or its
military extensions to be seen as part of a vigilante force.
Nevertheless, due to concern that it might be construed in this
light by people outside of the area, the group was “officially”
disbanded one week after its creation. That it was so quickly
supported, however, illustrates the pervasiveness of public
hostility towards the new union. The visible actions of the
committee and the press reports of its intent must have given
the Mine, Mill organizers something to think about, even if
no formal organization materialized.
Under the best of circumstances it is difficult to discern
what “public opinion” really is, even with today’s sophisticated sampling techniques. In the case of the Grass ValleyNevada City area, no formal opinion poll exists for 1937-1938.
After reviewing news and editorial accounts of the movement
to oust the C.I.O. from the area, and from interviews with
some participants who were hostile to the C.I.0., I believe
that the overwhelming majority of local people did not want
the new union and felt threatened by it.
An example of this hostility can be illustrated by reading a
series of fifteen anti-C.I.O. articles published in 1938 under
the heading “That The People May Know” by Edmund
Kinyon, executive editor of the Grass Valley Union. Kinyon
of course was expressing his own views, and a reading of the
articles reveals his sympathy for the mine owners of the
district. Nevertheless, the popularity of the series probably
reflected what a majority of miners, business people, and
long-term residents of the area felt about the C.I.O.
Kinyon’s articles stressed several important themes which
found support in the Grass Valley-Nevada area. He early tried
to establish the idea that the Murchie strike was not legal
(even though it was supported by Mine, Mill organizers from
the San Francisco District office), and that its sole purpose
was to destroy the mining economy and the lives of those in
the area dependent on it. To Kinyon the C.I.O. was a racketeering and communist organization mostly made up of
outsiders who would not respect the right of local non-union
miners to work, nor the need of the local sheriff to enforce an
“open road” policy to allow these non-union miners to cross
the C.I.O. picket line.
The fact that the Mine, Mill pickets continued in the face
of the “open road” policy and violent attempts to disperse it
was not respected as a a sign of pluck and perseverance by
Kinyon, but instead was condemned as unwelcome and confrontive. The fact that the C.I.O. tried to reach the public
14
through a mimeographed newsletter and public meetings was
dismissed by Kinyon as misguided propaganda intended to
distort what was really going on.
On several occasions Kinyon alluded to the possibility that
community patience was wearing thin, and when violence did
erupt, Kinyon defended the vigilante actions which destroyed
the picket line and drove the C.I.O. out as an act of selfdefense. Kinyon was probably very close to expressing the
majority opinion of the district. He said that it simply wanted
to be left alone.
The perception of the C.I.O. local as an alien and radical
force by most of the local citizenry and miners was present
from the very beginning of its activities. It clearly inherited
the parent organization’s radical reputation. Few historians
today believe that Communist influence within the C.L.O.
was ever truly significant during the 1930s. The fact that
John L. Lewis as national leader of the C.I.O. utilized some
Communist organizers in the national union, its affiliates, and
locals was of considerable concern to political conservatives,
“Tear gas and clubs on the one side and fists and stones on
the other were the weapons used in rioting in connection
with the Murchie Mine strike in the Nevada City area
today. .. a score of persons, including a number of officers
were injured,” said the Sacramento Bee caption on
January 20, 1938. This photo by Tom Arden shows “the
two leading cars in the caravan that sought to penetrate
the CIO picket lines, with two officers and a picket engaged in struggle.” [California State Library]