August 22, 1963 (42 pages)

asd Brac ane ei oo Page 9.. August 22, 1963. .The Nugget.. Page 9 their programs in a fair and equitable manner for the benefit of the people. I feel that if we draw the partisan lines to the extent demonstrated in the last special ses sion, we will be jeopardizing the future needs of the State, Both parties have a strong responsibility to the people, regardless of their philosophy and affiliation. * "I did not uphold the conference report on the educational finance bill as I favored the $40 million first year and $60 million second year appropriations, " Lunardi said. "The conference report reduced this sum by 50 per cent and appropriated $25 million the first year and $25 million the second year. Presently the State of California is only contributing some 37 per cent tow ard education in the school districts, and the $25 million appropriation willnot come near this figure," Lunardi pointed out. "If we do not bring the State back to the 50/50 ratio, a heavier burden will be placed upon the taxpayers with the school districts throughout the State, and in my opinion, the tax payers have just about had it where these costs are incurred for school financing. " "I feel that this piece of legislation does not justify the real needs for education in the state. Looking over my Sixth Assembly District, I find the shocking news that this legislation will afford an increase of only 1.3 per cent per pupil for current expenses. If compromises were necessary, in view of the present conditions in the special session, the conference committee should have appropriated at least $40 million this year, which would enable the school districts to move ahead. Then, the Legislature could reconsider the $60 million appropriation in the 1964 Budget Session, using the interim period to re-evaluate the school financing program and future educational needs, " he concluded. WASHINGTON CALLING A RELUCTANT DRAGON POSSIBLE ON BALLOT HARRISBURG, PA. ---The man who didn't come to dinner sits in the Governor's chair here looking cool, calm, and collected, William W. Scranton has stayed out of the Republican hair-pulling over next year's Presidential nomination, although he is invariably named among the three or four likely candidates. This is interpreted as a coy way of encouraging the belief that he thereby becomes the inevitable compromise choice of the '64 convention, Yet when he says he does not want the nomination and that he has done nothing _ whatsoever to promote his candidacy, it hasa convincing sound. And he adds that, with the unhappy exception of Warren G. Harding in 1920, no candidate has ever been nominated without at least rudimentary organization. But at the same time he faces the divisive split in his party with a realization of how disastrous it can be. Moderate and liberal Republicans, Scranton says, are kidding themselves if they fail to realize the grip that the Goldwater movement has on the G.O.P. organization around the country. That was shown in Pennsylvania when Newsweek carried areport that Sen, Hugh Scott, who was chiefly responsible for getting Scranton into the Governor's race last year, hadteamedup with him in a “stop Goldwater” movement. Angry noises came from the fat cats who have long paidthe party's bill. Scott came to Harrisburg to deny any intention of “stopping” Goldwater. And the Governor confirmed that on October 10 the Senator from Arizona will come to Pennsylvania for a big fund-raising dinner. Nevertheless, if the strategy of the Goldwater backers prevails, Pennsylvania Republicans, and Scott in particular, will be out in the cold, That ‘strategy is to write _ ‘bevetstcaie nowy LQAN GUARANTEES CAR oe ee ee HELP COLLEGE STUDENTS off the Northeast and the big -city states with their concentration of Negro and labor votes and stake victory on the South, the Midwest and the West, New York while counting on carrying Ohio, Illinois and Michigan, along with the hinterland where electoral votes come in small sizes. 5; Forthisreason -to try to make certain that Pennsylvania is not written off when the delegates start balloting at the convention in San Francisco ~~ Scranton has said that under certain circumstances he is willing to be a favorite-son candidate. He would thus be in a stronger bargaining position, Pennsylvania, now the third state in the Union in population, will cast 64 delegate votes. They could be decisive ina narrowly divided convention. We must not, the Governor says, become a sectional party. Writing off Pennsylvania and the Northeast would mean writing off Scott and others of the Congressional delegation. It might ultimately mean writing off the party itself. : As a melancholy reminder, the Democrats in the latter years of the last century and the first years of this one were a sectional party, coming to power only at rare intervals of widespread discontent, At the age of 45, with only a limited experience in politics and administration, Scranton was plumped down in the Governor's office. He defeated the former Mayor of Philadelphia, Richardson Dilworth, by 480,000 votes last November. And immediately he began to wrestle with the manifold problems that plague every Governor as state costs rise astronomically and state taxes never quite catch up, even though they have advanced far more rapidly than Federal taxes in recent years. Moreover, Pennsylvania has.its own special problems. Growth has failed to keep pace with the national average. Fifty-five of the state's 67 counties are classified as areas of chronic unemployment. The unemployment rate for May was 6.5 percent, well above the national average with nearly 300,000 jobless, most of them concentrated in the coal counties. Yet Scranton feels he has made a start at attracting new industry. He saysthatJuly was the state's best month in 10 years, One of-his chief objectives has been to decrease the tax burden on business and encourage research and development by holding out special privileges. In this he has had considerable success, as even some of his Democratic critics concede. On other matters he has been buffeted by the legislature where the Republicans have a-constitutional majority of one vote in each house. He put forward a measure for tax-paid transportation for parochial school children, It was beaten back, with religious passions aroused on each side of the issue. Andhe had to raise taxes $142,000,000 a year, including a record 5 percent sales tax. But he has three essential ednowments for political success -luck, personal charm and, as scion of the Scrantons of Scranton, a generous fortune, He could still be the reluctant dragon in ‘64. (Copyright 1963) ---Marquis Childs aa Sea I AN THE ONLY 4000 ine TROUT jw THE wort! ODD BODKINS .. 1f ONLY +HAT FISHERAD MVEW. © 1963 by Dan O' Weill By Sen, Vance Hartke (D. Ind.) _ Probably the single most important investment an individual can make these days is the time, effort and money he spends in getting an education. We haveseen ample statistical proof of how an individual's lifetime earning power increases as his educational levelincreases, There are, of course, many other personal benefits beside earning power that may be enjoyed by the well-educated person. But beyond the merits from the individual standpoint is the fact that every citizen's education is a national asset. Every day the world we live in puts a higher premium on brainpower. At the national level, the United States will find itself more and more relying on its greatest national resource --its people--in its continuing competition not only with its adversary, international communism, but also with its friends in the Free World as all mankind strives for a better life. If we fail to give our people the opportunity to. reach their educational potential we will sooner or later fail as a nation to lead the world. Likewise, every American community needs educated citizens, This has long been accepted as a public responsibility. We all pay taxes to support our local schools. And many states, like my own state of Indiana, acknowledge their responsibilities for supporting higher education at virtually the same time they assumed statehodd, Congress, also has taken increasing notice of the vital national interest in education, as for example in the National Defense Education Act, which gives special incentives to the study of science, mathematics and langifages. It is my own feeling that the American people, through their government, should encourage students in all lines of higher education. We should also encourage all students who can meet college requirements, regardless of their ability to earn special scholarships. One of the handicaps facing such students, of course, is the cost of higher education, which now runs from $1500 to $2500 a year. In aneffort to overcome this problem, I introduced in the Senate two years ago a bill to provide Government guarantees on loans to students for higher education, This year, Iwas pleased to note, President Kennedy endorsed such loan guarantees and included them in his message to Congress on better schooling for the nation. This measure would set up a system of loan insurance, patterned after the highly successful FHA (Federal Housing Administration) system of guaranteed home loans, In the past 25 years FHA has insured billions in housing loans. Its losses on home mortgage insurance have amounted to only 18/100ths of one per cent. : If the FHA has succeeded so well in promoting home ownership without the outlay of large sums of Federal money, so can this school insurance loan program be successful in putting college within the reach of more of our talented young people. Asin the case with home loan insurance, government guarantees of student loans would encourage the use of private credit resources in meeting a challenge of individual, as well as national, concern. Since I first introduced this measure I have been pleased by the response from college leaders who feel that an investment in higher education is worth borrow ~ing for, if necessary. A system of government insurance for such student loans is a practical solution for this problem and, I believe, deserves the support of the American people.

asd Brac ane ei oo Page 9... August 22, 1963.. .The Nugget... Page 9 their programs in a fair and equitable manner for the benefit of the people. I feel that if we draw the partisan lines to the extent demonstrated in the last special ses sion, we will be jeopardizing the future needs of the State, Both parties have a strong responsibility to the people, regardless of their philosophy and affiliation. * "I did not uphold the conference report on the educational finance bill as I favored the $40 million first year and $60 million second year appropriations, " Lunardi said. "The conference report reduced this sum by 50 per cent and appropriated $25 million the first year and $25 million the second year. Presently the State of California is only contributing some 37 per cent tow ard education in the school districts, and the $25 million appropriation willnot come near this figure," Lunardi pointed out. "If we do not bring the State back to the 50/50 ratio, a heavier burden will be placed upon the taxpayers with the school districts throughout the State, and in my opinion, the tax payers have just about had it where these costs are incurred for school financing. " "I feel that this piece of legislation does not justify the real needs for education in the state. Looking over my Sixth Assembly District, I find the shocking news that this legislation will afford an increase of only 1.3 per cent per pupil for current expenses. If compromises were necessary, in view of the present conditions in the special session, the conference committee should have appropriated at least $40 million this year, which would enable the school districts to move ahead. Then, the Legislature could reconsider the $60 million appropriation in the 1964 Budget Session, using the interim period to re-evaluate the school financing program and future educational needs, " he concluded. WASHINGTON CALLING A RELUCTANT DRAGON POSSIBLE ON BALLOT HARRISBURG, PA. ---The man who didn't come to dinner sits in the Governor's chair here looking cool, calm, and collected, William W. Scranton has stayed out of the Republican hair-pulling over next year's Presidential nomination, although he is invariably named among the three or four likely candidates. This is interpreted as a coy way of encouraging the belief that he thereby becomes the inevitable compromise choice of the '64 convention, Yet when he says he does not want the nomination and that he has done nothing _ whatsoever to promote his candidacy, it hasa convincing sound. And he adds that, with the unhappy exception of Warren G. Harding in 1920, no candidate has ever been nominated without at least rudimentary organization. But at the same time he faces the divisive split in his party with a realization of how disastrous it can be. Moderate and liberal Republicans, Scranton says, are kidding themselves if they fail to realize the grip that the Goldwater movement has on the G.O.P. organization around the country. That was shown in Pennsylvania when Newsweek carried areport that Sen, Hugh Scott, who was chiefly responsible for getting Scranton into the Governor's race last year, hadteamedup with him in a “stop Goldwater” movement. Angry noises came from the fat cats who have long paidthe party's bill. Scott came to Harrisburg to deny any intention of “stopping” Goldwater. And the Governor confirmed that on October 10 the Senator from Arizona will come to Pennsylvania for a big fund-raising dinner. Nevertheless, if the strategy of the Goldwater backers prevails, Pennsylvania Republicans, and Scott in particular, will be out in the cold, That ‘strategy is to write _ ‘bevetstcaie nowy LQAN GUARANTEES CAR oe ee ee HELP COLLEGE STUDENTS off the Northeast and the big -city states with their concentration of Negro and labor votes and stake victory on the South, the Midwest and the West, New York while counting on carrying Ohio, Illinois and Michigan, along with the hinterland where electoral votes come in small sizes. 5; Forthisreason -to try to make certain that Pennsylvania is not written off when the delegates start balloting at the convention in San Francisco ~~ Scranton has said that under certain circumstances he is willing to be a favorite-son candidate. He would thus be in a stronger bargaining position, Pennsylvania, now the third state in the Union in population, will cast 64 delegate votes. They could be decisive ina narrowly divided convention. We must not, the Governor says, become a sectional party. Writing off Pennsylvania and the Northeast would mean writing off Scott and others of the Congressional delegation. It might ultimately mean writing off the party itself. : As a melancholy reminder, the Democrats in the latter years of the last century and the first years of this one were a sectional party, coming to power only at rare intervals of widespread discontent, At the age of 45, with only a limited experience in politics and administration, Scranton was plumped down in the Governor's office. He defeated the former Mayor of Philadelphia, Richardson Dilworth, by 480,000 votes last November. And immediately he began to wrestle with the manifold problems that plague every Governor

as state costs rise astronomically and state taxes never quite catch up, even though they have advanced far more rapidly than Federal taxes in recent years. Moreover, Pennsylvania has.its own special problems. Growth has failed to keep pace with the national average. Fifty-five of the state's 67 counties are classified as areas of chronic unemployment. The unemployment rate for May was 6.5 percent, well above the national average with nearly 300,000 jobless, most of them concentrated in the coal counties. Yet Scranton feels he has made a start at attracting new industry. He saysthatJuly was the state's best month in 10 years, One of-his chief objectives has been to decrease the tax burden on business and encourage research and development by holding out special privileges. In this he has had considerable success, as even some of his Democratic critics concede. On other matters he has been buffeted by the legislature where the Republicans have a-constitutional majority of one vote in each house. He put forward a measure for tax-paid transportation for parochial school children, It was beaten back, with religious passions aroused on each side of the issue. Andhe had to raise taxes $142,000,000 a year, including a record 5 percent sales tax. But he has three essential ednowments for political success -luck, personal charm and, as scion of the Scrantons of Scranton, a generous fortune, He could still be the reluctant dragon in ‘64. (Copyright 1963) ---Marquis Childs aa Sea I AN THE ONLY 4000 ine TROUT jw THE wort! ODD BODKINS ... 1f ONLY +HAT FISHERAD MVEW.. © 1963 by Dan O' Weill By Sen, Vance Hartke (D. Ind.) _ Probably the single most important investment an individual can make these days is the time, effort and money he spends in getting an education. We haveseen ample statistical proof of how an individual's lifetime earning power increases as his educational levelincreases, There are, of course, many other personal benefits beside earning power that may be enjoyed by the well-educated person. But beyond the merits from the individual standpoint is the fact that every citizen's education is a national asset. Every day the world we live in puts a higher premium on brainpower. At the national level, the United States will find itself more and more relying on its greatest national resource --its people--in its continuing competition not only with its adversary, international communism, but also with its friends in the Free World as all mankind strives for a better life. If we fail to give our people the opportunity to. reach their educational potential we will sooner or later fail as a nation to lead the world. Likewise, every American community needs educated citizens, This has long been accepted as a public responsibility. We all pay taxes to support our local schools. And many states, like my own state of Indiana, acknowledge their responsibilities for supporting higher education at virtually the same time they assumed statehodd, Congress, also has taken increasing notice of the vital national interest in education, as for example in the National Defense Education Act, which gives special incentives to the study of science, mathematics and langifages. It is my own feeling that the American people, through their government, should encourage students in all lines of higher education. We should also encourage all students who can meet college requirements, regardless of their ability to earn special scholarships. One of the handicaps facing such students, of course, is the cost of higher education, which now runs from $1500 to $2500 a year. In aneffort to overcome this problem, I introduced in the Senate two years ago a bill to provide Government guarantees on loans to students for higher education, This year, Iwas pleased to note, President Kennedy endorsed such loan guarantees and included them in his message to Congress on better schooling for the nation. This measure would set up a system of loan insurance, patterned after the highly successful FHA (Federal Housing Administration) system of guaranteed home loans, In the past 25 years FHA has insured billions in housing loans. Its losses on home mortgage insurance have amounted to only 18/100ths of one per cent. : If the FHA has succeeded so well in promoting home ownership without the outlay of large sums of Federal money, so can this school insurance loan program be successful in putting college within the reach of more of our talented young people. Asin the case with home loan insurance, government guarantees of student loans would encourage the use of private credit resources in meeting a challenge of individual, as well as national, concern. Since I first introduced this measure I have been pleased by the response from college leaders who feel that an investment in higher education is worth borrow ~ing for, if necessary. A system of government insurance for such student loans is a practical solution for this problem and, I believe, deserves the support of the American people.