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Page: of 6

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t Nevada City, California, under Act of Congress of March 3, 1879.
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PHILANTHROPY THE EASY WAY
The Methodist Hall of Fame in Philanthropy has a new
_ tenant, Arthur S. Fleming. His citation was for “remarkable
concern arfd contributions to better health and welfare for
all people of the nations of the world.”
We would like to think that Mr. Flemmjng is just a
mite embarrassed about the whole thing. After all, the money
he was contributing, in his role as Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare, had come from the taxpayers. And he’s
just been given another three and a quarter billion of their
impounded dollars to philanthropize with.
In government it’s The Thing to be generous with other
‘people’s money. Perhaps a more appropriate monument
would be to the real, if reluctant, philanthropist—the Unknown Taxpayer. His effigy would be a stoop-shouldered
fittle man, with empty pockets rampant.
IT COULD BE DONE
An old Edgar Guest poem extols the man who enswered the people who said it couldn’t be done by saying
that maybe it couldn’t but he would be one who wouldn’t
say so until he tried. That verse could have been written
about California and the skeptics who said we’d never put
on a successful Olympic Winter Games.
The success of the spectacle in Squaw Valley was as
monumental as the obstacles that stood in the way. The site
and facilities won universal approval—from International
Olympic President Avery Brundage to the lad who placed
‘46th in the 46-man ski jumping contest. The smooth handling
of the complicated schedule, the warm atmosphere of welcome and good will have given California—and America—
new stature in the hearts of the nations that were represented, including even Russia.
The congratulations and affectionate thanks of the people of this state go to all who turned the impossible dream
into the splendid reality—-who proved to a doubting world
that in California it could be done.
4
THE CHARGE THAT FAILED
“The Assyrians came down like the wolf on the fold,
and his cohorts were gleaming in purple and gold,” so began
the ringing words of Byron’s poem.
And so, in a sense, began a recent assault by the Department of Justice on 29 American oil companies, accused
of “conspiring” to increase prices. To the accompaniment of
much drum beating and black headlines, the-government legions swooped down on an overworked industry which was
hopefully preparing itself for justified praise for meeting
the greatest peace-time demand for its products in our history, after the sudden closing of the Suez Canal.
Instead of praising, the government attacked. Its charge
was that petroleum prices had gone up more or less at the
same time during the Suez period. In the face of mounting
oil shortages, it.was hardly surprising that prices were driven
hte, the government pressed its attack; in apogy willingness to let suspicion face fact on the battleield.
The campaign lasted over three years, in which stirring time the government assembled over one million pages
of documents, taken from the files of the defendants,’ on
which to base its case. Witnesses were subpoenaed, a grand
jury was assembled, headlines generated. Indictments -were
secured. Pre-trial arguments were hard and motions weighed.
At last, the battle lines were drawn. Into a federal court
in Tulsa in February came the: government with its witnesses, its suspicions and its one million pages of exhibits,
amid predictions that the trial might go on for months.
After these monumental preparations, the battle was a
thundering anti-climax. Following a one-week presentation
of the government case, the court felt obliged to dismiss the
charges without the need of even hearing the defense. After
three costly years—to the taxpayers, the companies, their
shareholders and their customers-—the charge was declared
baseless on the government’s own evidence.
It.is significant that each of the defendants could have
chosen not to contend the case, without even admitting any
guilt whatsoever, and have been liable for a relatively modest
fine. Instead, every single company accused chose to go
through the far more costly years of preparation and trial
to vindicate its name.
Unfortunately, this could not be completely successful.
All that was really achieved in this sorry episode was the
unjustified soiling of their reputations. Several years of national publicity over the alleged “conspiracy” cannot be
erased by a single announcement that, after all, there was
nothing to the charge.
MISDIRECTED ‘MANUAL’ LABOR
: With an Air Force manual branding the Americans’
“right to know” a foolish idea, we have an idea editors are
leaping to their typewriters all over the country.
‘No one knows better than they the fight that is going
on to keep open the lines of communication between the
people and many agencies of their government which seem
to share the notion that the “right to know” is foolish.
__. National newspaper and editorial associations and Sigma
Delta Chi, the national journalistic fraternity, have strong
son freedom of information fighting on this front.
of the more determined warriors in this fracas is
sentative John E. Moss of Sacramento, chairman of
use Goverrmental Information subcommittee. Califorbe proud of hawk “ed the part he is playing in this
contest.
said his committee will delve to the bottom of
After all, the American people has a “right
. responsible for the series of goofy Air Force
the clergy, teaching baby sitting, martini
a servant, and rewriting the history of
ee : ar =.
. predict that the State Administratt combination of a huge budget
r 5, 1926, as second class matter at the post office.
Adjudicated a legal newspaper November 6, 1951, in Nevada County.
Superior Court, Decree No. 10023.
its firm stand against tax . .
A topic which may considerof the State Legislature is the
highly controversial matter of
repeal of our state law on capital
punishment, When the matter
was included in the call for the
special session which is running
concurrently with the budget session, the outcry. which arose from
all quarters made it very apparent that our meeting could be
jiong-and troublesome.
Capital punishment is an issue
which has been before us many
times in the past. The last effort
to abolish it was made at our
1959 session, but the bill for the
purpose was refused passage in
the house of origin.
The call for action on this matter is admittedly tied into. a particular case which has made the
headlines, not only in this country, but all over the. world, for
many months. But whether this
ease should have triggered the
reentry of the matter into the
present session is something
which has been, and will continue to be, vigorously discussed
by members of both our legislative houses, as well as the general public , both here and abroad.
From the start it was obvious
that the matter might affect our
work on the state budget for next
year. One of our leading members
in budgetary work plainly stated
that the issue should be settled
before final action is taken on
On of the important questions
still unresolved, is whether any
decision we legislators might
make on the subject at this session would have any effcet on
the celebrated case which has
created so much excitement. Already we have learned that some
people believe so, but according
to legal advice now availabale
there is not much chance that
their hopes can be realized.
This issue is one of the most
emotionally packed to come before us in a long time, not forgetting the water dispute. There
are those who strongly feel that
the death sentence should be inflicted in the present case, but
should then be abolsihed. There
are others who are equally firm
in their conviction that capital
punishment should never be repealed. And in between there are
many varied opinions as to what
our final course should be. Many
are questioning whether it is a
sufficiently urgent matter to require action by a special session.
The international publicity
given the particular case which
brought. capital punishment before us again illustrates only too
vividly the pressure thta public
opinion can bring to bear on governmental administrators and
legislators. The issue is no longer
the guilt and punishment of one
individual. Instead, it has grown
until] now it is a major difference
between basic theories of government and its relationship to the
people governed.
None of us in the California
Legislature can ignore the fact
that, quite literally, the eyes of
the world will be on us in our
deliberations on this matter of
the future of the death senterice
.in our state. The hearings of our
committees on the proposal will
be intensively covered by press,
radio and television. So will the
floor action of either or both
houses, if the bill is reported out
of committee.
Neither can we overlook the
obvious fact that the issue has
become a factor in federal-state
relationships. The oblique way.
in which pressure of the national
government was brought against
@ur state government: demonstrates the extent to which we
independence and integrity of
the state government in this significant matter.
In normal years, California
produces about 800,000 gallons of
olive oil and 4 million cases of
canned ripe olives.
&
ably prolong our current’ session . ¢
the $2.5 billion expenditure bill, . 78:
must be vigilant to protect the}:s +. major factors
which will shape the destiny
the water bond measure are suglitan Water Discertainties that prevail throughout the Southland. To date, the
geles M
as the price of its support. The MWD currently states
its opposition to the water bonds
in the present form. Governor
Brown ,howeyer, has stated he
will not pecial session of
the Le © to amend the
water bond act—so the MWD will
not get its guarantee in the form
desired prior to election day.
The question, then, is: will the
MWD either actively oppose the
water bonds or take a neutral
position—or, perhaps, even support the measure? Active MWD
opposition to the bonds would
play ‘hob with the chances for
success.
In the Bay Area, San Francisco,
which has poured many millions
of dollars into development of its
own water system, Hetch-Hetchy,
has demanded guarantees from
the state that state water will
not be sold in competition with
Hetch-Hetchy -water. No firm
guarantees have been forthcomThe question, again, is will opposition spring from San Francisco or not? Active San Francisco opposition would be quite
harmful to the bond issue.
The AFL-CIO has requested
conditions in the water bond issue which have not been met to
the degree desired. The State
Federation of Labor now opposes
the bond issue. Will it change
that pdésition; im, mid-summer at
its annual convention? ~~
The counties of water origin
have been seeking guarantees
and changes in the water bond
act which lead to a question of
the support or Jack of support in
those areas.
Then as to issues still not completely resolved: What about the
cost of water?, What about the
financial feasibility of the project?
a
As the issues’ are clarified and
these major, present imponderables are re ed, the success
or failure of the water bond act
will be determined.
Cuba’s Red
Beard
President Eisénhower gave official recognition recently to
something quiteia few Americans
have been pointing out in vain
for a long time=-that the Castro
regime is Red to the core, The
President remarked that our government “has confidence in the
ability of the Cuban people to
recognize and defeat the intrigues
of internatio Communism
which are aimed at destroying
democratic institutions in Cuba
and the traditional and mutually
beneficial friendship between the
Cuban and Ameriean peoples.”
It is unfortunate that our gov‘amd many of our popular leaders didn’t have that “ability to recognize”. the Communist
intrigues in the early’ days of
Castro’s “liberation.” The Moscow training of his brother, the
Russian source of much of his
armament, and ‘the Communist}
slant of his pronou ts were
evidence for angle ts es
That President Eisenhower assured the Cuban people that “at
this moment it ig not our time to
. intervene in their internal
affairs” is encguraging. If the
ja
Stop
t
FOR THE —
Sam Egan, econ a De esoh yet +
whe galte of the Los. Anon Highway 995
__ AT 5th STREET
MILY PLAN
paper can be destroyed insidiously by cutting off its revenues,
of which advertising is a major
part.” He further voiced the
newspaper truth that advertising is not a taxable commodity
but a “unique form of service,”
terming it the “missile artillery’
of free enterprise.
As a man long in the halls of
Congress, Senator Knowland
knows full well that it is the very
nature of government, however,
well-intentioned in its spending
plans, to seek eternally for new
sources of revenue, He must have
had some such thought in mind
when he urged his hearers, all
advertising men, to “keep in mind
the necessity of counterattack,”
and to “tell_and retell the story
of ‘advertising.” 5
Probably few people today
would agree with Thomas Jefferson who said: “Were it left to
me. to decide whether we should
Rave a government without newspapers or newspapers without a
government, I should not hesitate
a moment to prefer the latter.”
We need both newspapers and
government—and neither should
seek to destroy the other.
The Dark Of
The Moon
Maybe it'll be ner to mankind some day—this picture
taking kick Russja’s space scientists are on. The moon shots, for
example. And let’s admit they’re
ahead of us, for the time being,
in some stages of getting around
the universe with a camera.
We've heard rumors they may
be faking some o fthat miracle
picture stuff, just to get our nanny and show us up in the family of nations. But no matter
about that.
Let’s say it’s all on the level.
Then what? Dollars to doughnuts
poor Ivan and his girl will be
forbidden to admire the silvery
‘moon that Keats sang about. If
they know what’s good for them,
they will do their spooning under
an enlarged photo of that unlovely, bleak, godless and unromantic
far side of the moon. .
That’s Ivan’s funeral. But for
international amity. and friendship, let’s not let our tempers be
strained b ya barrage of all the
pictures of all the dark sides of
planets that Nikita’s boys can get
around to shooting. They could
be more tiresome than a brotherin-law insisting on showing boring movies of his and his wife’s
and his brats’ vacation.
Let’s get the lead in this competition and let’s hold it. Then
we can go right on looking at the
same old silvery side of the moon
that Keats sang about, if we feel
like it. And no hard feelings. Coexistence with the kodak, so to
speak.
time does come when the United
States no longer can tolerate the
growing beachhead Communism
is establishing off our shores, the
rude awakening will be complete
for those who just couldn’t believe Cuba’s white knight had a
Red Beard.
COLDS
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25
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8
& in the way of recessions,
the decade ahead. According to Mr, Rogers, we will
have virtually eliminated the traditional peaks and valleys, the
boom-bust cycle, in our economy.
Part of the credit goes to the
built-in stabilizers that have become part of the system, such as
unemployment compensation, social security and insured bank deposits. The quick recovery from
the 1958 slump indicates, the Herald Tribune writer believes, that
the stabilizers are working.
More important for the future,
owever, will be the technical
developments of data processing
equipment. During the next few
years, he predicts, the larger corporations will use such equipment
to measure their markets. They
will know how much to produce
in-given periods, and how many
people to employ. For the first
time, real stability in industrial
employment will ensue.
It sounds great: sustained prosperity, low unemployment, no recessions.
But the worm in the apple is
this: we are pricing ourselves out
of the market by continuing
rounds of wage-price boosts.
In the ’50s, Mr. Rogers believes,
the world’s post-war shortage of
goods minimized the effects on
our economy of high labor unit
costs. We .were the first on hand
with the products the world needed desperately, at almost any cost.
But before the steel strike,
steel from Dusseldorf was. making an impact on the American
steel industry. Italy, Japan, France and other war-torn nations
now are producing good exports
cheaply.
Big, nationwide unions have
achieved the power to force wage
scales—and thus prices—upward
almost at will.’A whole army of
legal eagles in the JusticeDepartment’s anti-trust division constantly harrass big corporations
to prevent ‘them from getting together to set prices. But there is
no similar harassment—none. at
all—of big unions. Yet 85 per
cent of the cost of most manufactured items is set by labor.
If the promise of the ’60s isn’t
to turn sour, Mr. Rogers believes,
American Business. must be kept
competitive with the other industrial nations of the world. Two
things are necessary to that end:
maintaining anti-trust vigilance
to see that there are enough corporations in any one industry to
keep free enterprise alive and—
the most challenging task of the
’60s—the prohibiting industrywide union bargaining by law:
The world’s third largest lava
field, 9,000 square miles in area,
is in Australia.
Helps Heal And Clear
Zemo—liauid or ointment—a docslates pledged to specific candi. dates. April 8 is the deadline for
qualifying presidential delegation
tickets.
It is. obvious that two Californians will have slates entered in
their behalf for the June 7 state
primary, Vice President Richard
M. Nixon, a Republican ticket,
‘and Governor Edmund G, Brown,
a Democratic ticket. .
The question marks are Senator
John ‘F, Kennedy of Massachusetts and Senator Hubert H: Humphrey of Minnesota, Kennedy, the
Democratic front-runner, reportedly tried to pin California’s
Governor Edmund. “Pat” Brown
down on the definition of Brown’s
favorite son candidacy and asked
if Brown would release his elegates after the first ballot. Brown
is said to have answered he would
not release the delegates at any
specified time, but that he preferred to hold them to help pick
the “best available” candidate.
Senator Humphrey has stated
that if anyone other than Brown
runs in the Golden State race; “I
will be there.” This, of course,
‘would include Kennedy. Humphrey adds that if he enters the
California primary he will show
the people of the state the kind
of campaigning they would like
to see. ‘
The time for guesswork will
end however, March 9.
To qualify a Republican delegation in California requires signatures of a minimum of 10,555
Republican voters in behalf of the
candidate. The Democratic candididate must secure the signatures
uf at least 15,701 Democratic voters to qualify for the ballot—the
higher number being required because of the greater. number of
registered Democrats in California than Republicans.
With only a month allotted to
signature getting—-March 9 to
April 8—all ‘potential candidates —
must complete their preparations
for qualification by March 9—for
all practical purposes — whether
they actually file or not. To wait
until later would be a make cirtually a physical impossibility of
qualification of a delegation.
Jim Heather Floor
Covering
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