November 7, 1963 (20 pages)

5 pee Mets: ae egicwratuadees! axes eL aa VeYyVe Se ia) ae \ . The Nugget. Page 9 Page 9.November 7, 1963. underthe program, county treasuries, and sometimes deprives the aged of necessary medical care. _ The author of a Senate Resolution adopted at our 1963 session said his intention was to give the aged wider choice of nursing homes, and to encourage such homes to provide better care for aged patients. He tagged the Department of Social Welfare as a “typical bureaucracy," and said that it was trying to circumvent the Legislature's intent in adopting his resolution. All in all, it was anything but a dull meeting. The Committee was informed that medical assistance tothe aged on a systematic basis was started in California in 1957, was financed equally by federal and state funds, but was limited to out-patient care for aged persons receiving count y-administered Old Age Security. In 1962, under the federal Kerr-Mills Act, another program, to provide limited hospital or nusring home care for the aged who are needy, but are not receiving Old Age Security, was established. The state and the counties share half the cost. =~ To get this new program under way, various counties first negotiated rates for care with private nursing homes. Later, the Department of Social Welfare was given authority to fix uniform rates, and did so. In the 1963 séssion, a law was enacted to improve the program. Init, the power to fix rates for hospital or nursing home care was given to the Department of Finance. Basing its action on a cost survey much criticised by hospital and nursing home operators, the Department adopted a new tower schedule for rates, which raised the present storm of controversy. The 800 nursing homes in the state, half of whose 30,000 beds are occupied by recipients of care bitterly protest that the new rates do not begin to meet their actual costs, so may force them out of the program.Complaint was. also made to the Committee that the three departments involved, Finance, Social Welfare and Public Health (which licenses all hospitals) do not coor. dinate their action on the program. WASHINGTON CALLING a EMOTION RUNNING STRONG FOR ONE PARTY SYSTEM NATCHEZ, Miss.---Inthis old town that venerates its ante -bellum shrines the sense of fierce resistance to the tide of change is perhaps stronger than anywhere else in beleqguered Mississippi. The outsider, the Northerner, who comes to the state, however briefly, cannot mistake the emotion that is running so strong. The riot at the University of Mississippi over the admission of a Negro student that resulted in two deaths and many injured may have seemed to the world outside the South as a tragedy, a disgrace, a shame, But it has an entirely different look here. That drama of a year ago was for Mississippians a de: liberate provocation by the Kennedy Administration. It was an act designed to subjugate a sovereign state and OH DEAR HE!! IT WONT BE , LOG FIL 2) CHRISTHASODD BODKINS.-. by military force alter its ancient ways. The blood passions of a hundred years ago are boiling. The hatred of the Kennedys is a pervasive force. This reporter was told by one who has stood up to the ruling passion that inhis opinion the safety of the President and his brother, the Attorney General, could not be guaran~ teed if they came into the state. This would not be due to any laxity or indifference on the part of the authorities but because fanatical hatred is so deeply rooted. And, moreover, you hear disquieting reports of how widespread is the distribution of arms that can be readily purchased. The emotions of this troubled moment are expressed with native vigor by Lieut. Gov. Paul B. Johnson, the Democratic candidate for Governor, as he makes an impassioned attack on the Republican opposition. In contrast to his Republican opponent, Rubel Phillips, who hasa citified look although he comes off a small cotton farm, Johnson, whose father was a Governor of the state, has a Mississippi back-country stamp. He is thin, intense, his words come out with a sharp, rural twang. When he accuses Phillips of having pledged to support Nelson Rockefeller, if Rockefeller is the Republican nominee next year, he says Rocky-Feller, drawing the syllables out in full contempt. As he speaks from an improvised stand at home plate in the Natchez ball park to a crowd of perhaps 800 the reasons for the violent opposition to the first Republican bid in nearly a century are clear. This, says Johnson, means divide and rule by the Negro minority. His political arithmetic is: Mississippi is 58 percent white, 42 percent Negro. If you divide the 58 then the minority will swing the balance. And he cites the consequences of this in Philadelphia, Chicago, Washington and Richmond, Va. So the scalawags must beburied and the one-party system preserved. When the legislature meets in January, he promises, we will see that this never happens ‘again. He explained later that laws would be passed requiring fixed party registration so that those choosing to. be Republicans would not be permitted to vote in the Democratic primary and would, therefore, have little influence in the state. Trying to put over the Republican case in Mississippi, says Johnson, are these slick writers brought in from Texas. They are the same slick writers dealing in mass psychology who put Sen. John Tower and Rep. Bruce Alger over on innocent Democrats in Texas. And, what is more, the four-color Phillips posters -on 1,800 billboards -came from Fort Worth. _ Thus the conspiracy against Mississippi and its sovereign way of life is complete. The Republicans are the swornenemy of the South. Johnson quotes from a speech inthe House by Rep. Fred Schwengel of lowa boasting of G.O.P. civilrights achievements and citing Rockefeller as a member of the NAACP and Senator Goldwater as a member of the Urban League. Tothe charge that he is dividing the whites and thereby preparing the way for rule by the Negro minority, Phillips replies that this same division was exploited by. the Democrats in the first primary and in the run-off. Johnson compared his run-off opponent, J. P. Coleman, to Martin Luther King Jr. In Mississippi there could hardly be a greater insult unless it was to be compared to Bobby Kennedy. The lacerating bitterness of the primaries may produce an anti-Johnson vote benefiting the Republicans. If the Negrocanbe kept an isolated minority, in large part disfranchised and in any event politically impotent, he cannot expect to begin to achieve equality of economic opportunity. In a state seeking to attract Northern industry with the inducement of low wages this may be a vitalifactor. But the struggle has deeper roots in ancient habits that confirm the white man’s belief in his innate superiority. (Copyright 1963) ---Marquis Childs a WOU UNDERSTAND. we) HS oust LOCAL €) 1963 by-Dan O'weill we ALWAYS SEEM To BE BE WN) SCHEDULE. TWE "MERRY LITTLE CHRISTMAS ELVES” OW STRINE SENATOR BACKS TAX CUT Today our economy is prosperous. We are in our longest period since World War Il without a recession. But there are sluggish signs appearing. Wesee today a series of paradoxes-~a booming economy and a comparatively high rise of unemployment; some industries and businesses begging for workers while some skilled workers are begging for jobs. Instead of sitting idly by and ignoring the problem, we in Congress and those in the Kennedy Administration have decided that something has to be done about this situation. For one thing, business and industry had to modernize andexpand, Last year, then, we took the brakes off ex-: pansion and modernization by enacting tax benefits for businesses that wished to make such investments. -The Administration stepped up depreciation schedules for tax purposes. The result was a boom in building --modernization and expansion. : This accounts for the new upsurge in the economy this year. But the brakes are still on for the individual and the company as far as ordinary tax rates are concerned. While we are trying tohelp communities help themselves out of economic doldrums through redevelopment programs, while we are trying to help workers learn the new skills that are needed, we are also intent on modernizing the tax rate and taking the brakes off»economy. President Kennedy and a majority of Congress are con vinced that the tax rates ought to be cut. I have felt this fora long time and was one of the first to suggest to the President that tax cuts would give the economy the longrange thrust toiron out the hills and valleys of the econ~ omic charts. In short, I have felt for several years that a realistic tax cut--one with heaviest cuts for the lowest income families--would give our prosperity a long-term staying power that would, in effect, be recession insurance. 3 We are going to enact such a tax cut. I think that it will be only a few months before the amount cut in rates is returned to the Treasury. It will come about in increased revenue irom increased employ~ ment and higher profits. The jobless man pays no taxes. ~The company without profits pays no taxes. That holds regardless of rates. Abooming economy produces revenue in the form of taxes. And this is what we seek in reducing tax rates. Two recent experiences prove this point. The highest peacetime deficit we ever had was in 1958. The deficit ran $13 billion. This was caused not by some wild wave of spending, but by the fact that recession reduced thetax rate. Income fell far below estimates. = Onthe other hand, the last time there was a small reduction intaxes, the money lost by the reduction in rates was made up within 18 months by higher revenues from a booming economy. We simply cannot afford a recession while we are try~_ ing tocreate new jobs to take care of an expanding labor market and while we are adjusting to automation. Recessions are expensive in terms of human agony as well money lost to the Treasury. They are a great deal more expensive than modest tax cuts with the greatest gains to the lowest incomes so that the cuts will be poured back into the economy. A tax cut would ward off recession, cut unemployment, trim the deficit in the Federal budget and would increase the takehome pay of everybody in the United _ States. I share the President's view that without a tax cut the cdstly drain of unemployment and recession will perpet~ uate the chronic pattern of budgetary deficits. ---Sen. Vance Hartke (D. Ind.) THE EASTER BUNNY HAS 7 SOFT/ 1% /5

5 pee Mets: ae egicwratuadees! axes eL aa VeYyVe Se ia) ae \ . The Nugget.. Page 9 Page 9..November 7, 1963. underthe program, county treasuries, and sometimes deprives the aged of necessary medical care. _ The author of a Senate Resolution adopted at our 1963 session said his intention was to give the aged wider choice of nursing homes, and to encourage such homes to provide better care for aged patients. He tagged the Department of Social Welfare as a “typical bureaucracy," and said that it was trying to circumvent the Legislature's intent in adopting his resolution. All in all, it was anything but a dull meeting. The Committee was informed that medical assistance tothe aged on a systematic basis was started in California in 1957, was financed equally by federal and state funds, but was limited to out-patient care for aged persons receiving count y-administered Old Age Security. In 1962, under the federal Kerr-Mills Act, another program, to provide limited hospital or nusring home care for the aged who are needy, but are not receiving Old Age Security, was established. The state and the counties share half the cost. =~ To get this new program under way, various counties first negotiated rates for care with private nursing homes. Later, the Department of Social Welfare was given authority to fix uniform rates, and did so. In the 1963 séssion, a law was enacted to improve the program. Init, the power to fix rates for hospital or nursing home care was given to the Department of Finance. Basing its action on a cost survey much criticised by hospital and nursing home operators, the Department adopted a new tower schedule for rates, which raised the present storm of controversy. The 800 nursing homes in the state, half of whose 30,000 beds are occupied by recipients of care bitterly protest that the new rates do not begin to meet their actual costs, so may force them out of the program.Complaint was. also made to the Committee that the three departments involved, Finance, Social Welfare and Public Health (which licenses all hospitals) do not coor. dinate their action on the program. WASHINGTON CALLING a EMOTION RUNNING STRONG FOR ONE PARTY SYSTEM NATCHEZ, Miss.---Inthis old town that venerates its ante -bellum shrines the sense of fierce resistance to the tide of change is perhaps stronger than anywhere else in beleqguered Mississippi. The outsider, the Northerner, who comes to the state, however briefly, cannot mistake the emotion that is running so strong. The riot at the University of Mississippi over the admission of a Negro student that resulted in two deaths and many injured may have seemed to the world outside the South as a tragedy, a disgrace, a shame, But it has an entirely different look here. That drama of a year ago was for Mississippians a de: liberate provocation by the Kennedy Administration. It was an act designed to subjugate a sovereign state and OH DEAR HE!! IT WONT BE , LOG FIL 2) CHRISTHASODD BODKINS.-. by military force alter its ancient ways. The blood passions of a hundred years ago are boiling. The hatred of the Kennedys is a pervasive force. This reporter was told by one who has stood up to the ruling passion that inhis opinion the safety of the President and his brother, the Attorney General, could not be guaran~ teed if they came into the state. This would not be due to any laxity or indifference on the part of the authorities but because fanatical hatred is so deeply rooted. And, moreover, you hear disquieting reports of how widespread is the distribution of arms that can be readily purchased. The emotions of this troubled moment are expressed with native vigor by Lieut. Gov. Paul B. Johnson, the Democratic candidate for Governor, as he makes an impassioned attack on the Republican opposition. In contrast to his Republican opponent, Rubel Phillips, who hasa citified look although he comes off a small cotton farm, Johnson, whose father was a Governor of the state, has a Mississippi back-country stamp. He is thin, intense, his words come out with a sharp, rural twang. When he accuses Phillips of having pledged to support Nelson Rockefeller, if Rockefeller is the Republican nominee next year, he says Rocky-Feller, drawing the syllables out in full contempt. As he speaks from an improvised stand at home plate in the Natchez ball park to a crowd of perhaps 800 the reasons for the violent opposition to the first Republican bid in nearly a century are clear. This, says Johnson, means divide and rule by the Negro minority. His political arithmetic is: Mississippi is 58 percent white, 42 percent Negro. If you divide the 58 then the minority will swing the balance. And he cites the consequences of this in Philadelphia, Chicago, Washington and Richmond, Va. So the scalawags must beburied and the one-party system preserved. When the legislature meets in January, he promises, we will see that this never happens ‘again. He explained later that laws would be passed requiring fixed party registration so that those choosing to. be Republicans would not be permitted to vote in the Democratic primary and would, therefore, have little influence in the state. Trying to put over the Republican case in Mississippi, says Johnson, are these slick writers brought in from Texas. They are the same slick writers dealing in mass psychology who put Sen. John Tower and Rep. Bruce Alger over on innocent Democrats in Texas. And, what

is more, the four-color Phillips posters -on 1,800 billboards -came from Fort Worth. _ Thus the conspiracy against Mississippi and its sovereign way of life is complete. The Republicans are the swornenemy of the South. Johnson quotes from a speech inthe House by Rep. Fred Schwengel of lowa boasting of G.O.P. civilrights achievements and citing Rockefeller as a member of the NAACP and Senator Goldwater as a member of the Urban League. Tothe charge that he is dividing the whites and thereby preparing the way for rule by the Negro minority, Phillips replies that this same division was exploited by. the Democrats in the first primary and in the run-off. Johnson compared his run-off opponent, J. P. Coleman, to Martin Luther King Jr. In Mississippi there could hardly be a greater insult unless it was to be compared to Bobby Kennedy. The lacerating bitterness of the primaries may produce an anti-Johnson vote benefiting the Republicans. If the Negrocanbe kept an isolated minority, in large part disfranchised and in any event politically impotent, he cannot expect to begin to achieve equality of economic opportunity. In a state seeking to attract Northern industry with the inducement of low wages this may be a vitalifactor. But the struggle has deeper roots in ancient habits that confirm the white man’s belief in his innate superiority. (Copyright 1963) ---Marquis Childs a WOU UNDERSTAND. we) HS oust LOCAL €) 1963 by-Dan O'weill we ALWAYS SEEM To BE BE WN) SCHEDULE.. TWE "MERRY LITTLE CHRISTMAS ELVES” OW STRINE SENATOR BACKS TAX CUT Today our economy is prosperous. We are in our longest period since World War Il without a recession. But there are sluggish signs appearing. Wesee today a series of paradoxes-~a booming economy and a comparatively high rise of unemployment; some industries and businesses begging for workers while some skilled workers are begging for jobs. Instead of sitting idly by and ignoring the problem, we in Congress and those in the Kennedy Administration have decided that something has to be done about this situation. For one thing, business and industry had to modernize andexpand, Last year, then, we took the brakes off ex-: pansion and modernization by enacting tax benefits for businesses that wished to make such investments. -The Administration stepped up depreciation schedules for tax purposes. The result was a boom in building --modernization and expansion. : This accounts for the new upsurge in the economy this year. But the brakes are still on for the individual and the company as far as ordinary tax rates are concerned. While we are trying tohelp communities help themselves out of economic doldrums through redevelopment programs, while we are trying to help workers learn the new skills that are needed, we are also intent on modernizing the tax rate and taking the brakes off»economy. President Kennedy and a majority of Congress are con vinced that the tax rates ought to be cut. I have felt this fora long time and was one of the first to suggest to the President that tax cuts would give the economy the longrange thrust toiron out the hills and valleys of the econ~ omic charts. In short, I have felt for several years that a realistic tax cut--one with heaviest cuts for the lowest income families--would give our prosperity a long-term staying power that would, in effect, be recession insurance. 3 We are going to enact such a tax cut. I think that it will be only a few months before the amount cut in rates is returned to the Treasury. It will come about in increased revenue irom increased employ~ ment and higher profits. The jobless man pays no taxes. ~The company without profits pays no taxes. That holds regardless of rates. Abooming economy produces revenue in the form of taxes. And this is what we seek in reducing tax rates. Two recent experiences prove this point. The highest peacetime deficit we ever had was in 1958. The deficit ran $13 billion. This was caused not by some wild wave of spending, but by the fact that recession reduced thetax rate. Income fell far below estimates. = Onthe other hand, the last time there was a small reduction intaxes, the money lost by the reduction in rates was made up within 18 months by higher revenues from a booming economy. We simply cannot afford a recession while we are try~_ ing tocreate new jobs to take care of an expanding labor market and while we are adjusting to automation. Recessions are expensive in terms of human agony as well money lost to the Treasury. They are a great deal more expensive than modest tax cuts with the greatest gains to the lowest incomes so that the cuts will be poured back into the economy. A tax cut would ward off recession, cut unemployment, trim the deficit in the Federal budget and would increase the takehome pay of everybody in the United _ States. I share the President's view that without a tax cut the cdstly drain of unemployment and recession will perpet~ uate the chronic pattern of budgetary deficits. ---Sen. Vance Hartke (D. Ind.) THE EASTER BUNNY HAS 7 SOFT/ 1% /5